At five in the afternoon, Cairo time (30).. America and the Muslim Brotherhood (3)
We promised you, in the first
installment of this series of articles, to continue tracing with you the
history of the relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and Washington—its
paths and outcomes. Today, in the third installment, we shed light on the
beginnings of that ambiguous and obscure relationship between the two sides,
which at one stage reached the point of the United States of America allowing
the organization to build its largest branch in Uncle Sam’s own country, at a
time when the U.S. Marines were pursuing all Islamic currents around the world.
The Beginnings
The relationship between the
Muslim Brotherhood organization and America began with the parent branch in
Egypt after the confrontation that took place between the organization and the
July Revolution in 1954, against the backdrop of the Brotherhood’s desire to
dominate the new leaders and hijack the revolution in favor of the
organization’s goals and strategy.
At the outset of the revolution,
the group was living in a state of concord with the revolutionary leaders,
especially after the group was excluded from the decision to dissolve political
parties. This contributed to the growth of the group’s sense of power and
subsequently paved the way for confrontation.
The Reasons
Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel
Nasser recounts the real reasons for the clash with the Muslim Brotherhood
organization that led the Revolutionary Command Council to decide to dissolve
the group on January 14, 1954. Among the stated reasons for dissolution were
the following:
“A number from the first ranks of
the Brotherhood’s leadership sought to exploit this body for personal benefits
and selfish ambitions, taking advantage of the authority of religion over
people’s souls and the innocence and enthusiasm of Muslim youth, without being
sincere in this toward either the nation or the religion.
The sequence of events has proven
that this group of opportunists exploited the Brotherhood organization and the
systems on which it was based to bring about a coup against the existing system
of government under the cloak of religion.”
Gamal Abdel Nasser further
explains, in the text of the dissolution decision, the details that led the
relationship between the two parties to a dead end, prompting the Revolutionary
Command Council to take such a decision, stating:
“The events between the
Revolution and the Brotherhood organization unfolded in the following sequence:
1 – On the morning of the
Revolution, Mr. Hassan al-Ashmawi, the spokesman of the General Guide, was
summoned to the General Headquarters at Kobri al-Qubba and informed to ask the
General Guide to issue a statement supporting the Revolution. However, the
Guide remained in his summer residence in Alexandria, taking refuge in silence,
and did not come to Cairo until after the King was deposed. He then issued a
brief statement, after which he requested to meet one of the men of the
Revolution. He met Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser at the home of Mr.
Saleh Abu Raqiq, an employee of the Arab League. The Guide began his talk by
demanding the immediate application of the rulings of the Qur’an. Lieutenant
Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser replied that this Revolution had arisen as a war
against social injustice, political tyranny, and British colonialism, and that
it was therefore nothing other than an application of the teachings of the Holy
Qur’an.
The Guide then shifted the
discussion to the issue of land ownership, stating that his opinion was that
the maximum limit should be 500 feddans. Lieutenant Colonel Gamal replied that
the Revolution had decided on a limit of only 200 feddans and was determined to
adhere to that. The Guide then stipulated, as a condition for the Brotherhood
organization to support the Revolution, that any action or decision taken by
the Revolution be presented to him for approval beforehand. Lieutenant Colonel
Gamal replied that this Revolution had arisen without guardianship from anyone
and would never accept being placed under anyone’s guardianship, although this
did not prevent those leading the Revolution from consulting, in general policy
matters, with all sincere people of sound opinion, without being bound to any
organization. This discussion was not well received by the Guide.
2 – After its success, the
Revolution hastened to restore rights to their proper place, and among its
first actions was reopening the investigation into the murder of the martyr
Hassan al-Banna. The accused were arrested at a time when the Guide was still
in his summer residence in Alexandria.
3 – Upon assuming office, the
Revolution demanded that the former Prime Minister, Ali Maher, issue a general
amnesty for political detainees and prisoners, foremost among them the
Brotherhood. This was indeed implemented immediately upon President Naguib
assuming the premiership.
4 – When it was decided to
entrust the cabinet to President Naguib, it was also decided that the Muslim
Brotherhood would participate with three members, one of whom would be Sheikh
Ahmed Hassan al-Baquri. A telephone call took place between Major General Abdel
Hakim Amer and the Guide at noon on September 7, 1952. He approved this view,
stating that he would inform the leadership of the other two names. Mr. Hassan
al-Ashmawi then came to the leadership at Kobri al-Qubba and informed
Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser that the Guide was nominating for the
cabinet Mr. Munir al-Dalla, an employee of the State Council, and Mr. Hassan
al-Ashmawi, a lawyer. This nomination was presented to the Revolutionary
Council, which did not approve them. Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser
asked Mr. Hassan al-Ashmawi to inform the Guide to nominate others. At the same
time, Lieutenant Colonel Gamal contacted the Guide, who said that he would
convene the Guidance Bureau at six o’clock and respond after the meeting.
Lieutenant Colonel Gamal
contacted the Guide again, who replied that the Guidance Bureau had decided not
to participate in the cabinet. When Gamal said to him, ‘We have informed Sheikh
al-Baquri of your approval and asked him to meet the ministers at seven o’clock
to take the oath,’ the Guide replied that he was nominating some friends of the
Brotherhood to participate in the cabinet and did not approve the nomination of
any Brotherhood member.
The following day, a decision was
issued by the Guidance Bureau expelling Sheikh al-Baquri from the Brotherhood
organization. Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser summoned Mr. Hassan
al-Ashmawi and reproached him for this action, which portrayed the Brotherhood
as refusing to support President Naguib’s cabinet, and threatened to publish
all the details surrounding the cabinet’s formation. Al-Ashmawi responded that
such publication would create division within the ranks of the Brotherhood and
would not harm only the position of the General Guide, and he implored him not
to publish.
5 – When the Revolution asked the
parties to submit notifications regarding their composition, the Brotherhood
submitted a notification considering themselves a political party. The
Revolution advised the Brotherhood’s leaders not to plunge into partisanship
and to practice their Islamic mission away from the dust of political battles
and partisan desires. They hesitated at first, then complied before the
deadline for submitting notifications expired, requested to be considered an
organization, and asked Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser to help them
correct the errors. He went to the Ministry of Interior, where he met the Guide
in the office of Mr. Suleiman Hafez, then Minister of Interior. It was agreed
that the Ministry of Interior would ask the Brotherhood to clarify whether
their objectives would be pursued through instruments of governance such as
elections, and that the Brotherhood’s response would be in the negative so that
the law would apply to them.
6 – On the morning of the
issuance of the parties’ decision in January 1953, Major Salah Shadi and Mr.
Munir al-Dalla came to the office of Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser and
told him: now, after the dissolution of the parties, no supporter of the
Revolution remains except the Brotherhood organization; therefore, they must be
placed in a position enabling them to respond to all causes of questioning.
When he asked what this desired position was, they replied that they wanted to
participate in the cabinet. He told them: we are not in distress, and if you
believe that this circumstance is one of demands and the imposition of
conditions, then you are mistaken. They said: if you do not agree to this, then
we demand the formation of a committee from the Brotherhood organization to
which laws would be presented before their issuance for approval, and this is
our way of supporting you, if you want support. Gamal Abdel Nasser replied: I
previously told the Guide that we would not accept guardianship, and I repeat
it today with resolve and determination. This incident was the turning point in
the Brotherhood’s stance toward the Revolution and its government, as the Guide
thereafter persisted in issuing press statements attacking the Revolution and
its government in foreign and domestic press, and oral orders were issued to
the Brotherhood’s bodies to always appear, at occasions organized by the men of
the Revolution, in the posture of a defiant adversary.
7 – When the Guide learned of the
formation of the Liberation Rally, he met with Lieutenant Colonel Gamal at the
leadership building in Kobri al-Qubba and told him that there was no need to
establish the Liberation Rally as long as the Brotherhood existed. Lieutenant
Colonel Gamal replied that there were those in the country who did not wish to
join the Brotherhood and that the field of reform was broad enough for both
bodies. The Guide said: I will not support this body, and from that day he
began to fight the Liberation Rally, issuing orders to stir up unrest and
fabricate occasions to create an atmosphere of hostility among the sons of the
same nation.
8 – In May 1953, it became
established to the men of the Revolution that there was contact between some
Brotherhood members close to the Guide and the British, through Dr. Mohamed
Salem, an employee of the Transport and Engineering Company. From his conversation
with Mr. Hassan al-Ashmawi on this matter, Lieutenant Colonel Gamal learned
that contact had indeed taken place between Mr. Munir al-Dalla and Mr. Saleh
Abu Raqiq, as representatives of the Brotherhood, and Mr. ‘Evans,’ the Eastern
Adviser to the British Embassy, and that this conversation would be presented
when Lieutenant Colonel Gamal and the Guide met. When Lieutenant Colonel Gamal
met the Guide, he expressed his displeasure at the Brotherhood’s contact with
the British and their discussion with them of the national issue, a matter that
leads to contradiction in statements and presents the country as divided.”
The Assassination of Nasser
After the dissolution of the
group, its secret apparatus moved to assassinate Gamal Abdel Nasser in the
famous Mansheya incident, which ended in failure and led to an escalation of
the confrontation between the Revolution and the group. Thousands of its cadres
were arrested, some were dismissed from their jobs, many fled and went into
hiding, and for many members of the group the best option was to travel to any
country outside Egypt—especially oil-producing states such as Saudi Arabia,
which at that time was at odds with the Abdel Nasser regime. Others chose to
travel to the West, particularly Europe and the United States of America, where
they formed Brotherhood networks and tried to remain cohesive until the
situation in Egypt became clear and the group re-emerged.
Because our study is concerned
with the relationship between America and the Brotherhood, we will focus here
on the stages of the organization’s development in the United States of America
since a number of its cadres migrated there after 1954.
But Why America?!
In the 1950s, the United States
represented a dream and a source of allure for some forces, especially Islamic
ones. It was preparing itself to inherit the old colonialism represented by
Britain and France, and it was facing intense competition from the Soviet
Union, which had begun to dominate and spread its ideas in the Middle East
region and amid national liberation movements in general. This alarmed the
Americans, who began searching for forces they could rely on to break the power
of liberation movements on the one hand and to stand against the expansion of
Moscow’s influence on the other. They soon found their objective in the Muslim
Brotherhood movement.
The group, along with a number of
Islamic thinkers, regarded socialism as blatant unbelief and those who called
for it as unbelievers whose blood was permissible, which led to multiple
confrontations between emerging national liberation regimes and forces—whether
ruling ones, such as the July Revolutionaries, or those seeking to liberate
their countries from the grip of colonialism, as in a number of countries of
the Arab East—and between the United States of America and its allies among the
monarchical regimes at the time.
All these factors led to an
increase in waves of Islamist migration to the West in general, and to the
United States in particular, fleeing those confrontations.
These migrations were, in the
vast majority of cases, organized, meaning that many entities affiliated with
those movements—at the heart of them the Muslim Brotherhood movement—supervised
the migration of these youths, then regrouped them and molded them into a
single crucible.
This is what indeed happened in
January 1963, when the “Muslim Students Association in the United States and
Canada” was formed. It was the first entity to bring together youths affiliated
with the Muslim Brotherhood movement in America and is considered the nucleus
of the organization’s branch there—something we will discuss, along with its
trajectory, in detail in the coming installments, God willing.
Until then.
Paris: 5:00 p.m., Cairo time.





