Myanmar conflict brings new Cold War to ASEAN's door

The recent chairman's statement by leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations contains curious language that hints at the region's entanglement in the foremost geopolitical conflict of this era.
Stressing
the need for engagement in general terms, the statement said they "instructed
their foreign ministers to hold their meetings with the People's Republic of
China and the United States as soon as possible."
These
two countries are not the bloc's only dialogue partners, which also include
Japan, Russia and India. But they are the two poles of a global competition
that has been framed as a "new Cold War" between democracy and
autocracy, and the coup in Myanmar and ensuing violence have put that dynamic
into sharp relief.
The
statement contains a "five-point consensus" on Myanmar, including
calls for an immediate halt to violence and for "constructive
dialogue" to seek a peaceful solution -- an unusual move by a bloc that
traditionally avoids interfering in members' internal affairs.
Dr.
Sasa, spokesman for Myanmar's National Unity Government, welcomed this "encouraging
news" in a statement on social media, after having criticized ASEAN for
inviting junta leader Min Aung Hlaing but not a representative from his
anti-coup body.
Sasa
reserved particular praise for Indonesian President Joko Widodo's call for the
release of political prisoners. Jokowi, who was among those pushing for the
summit in the first place, also urged an end to the violence and a return to
democracy. The chairman's statement and Jokowi's comments seem to signal a
subtle change taking place within ASEAN.
Yet
the question is whether these words will translate into action, with the first
test being the appointment of a special ASEAN envoy to mediate.
There
is little reason for optimism. Min Aung Hlaing is not opposed to the idea of a
special envoy, according to Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, but no
details have been provided so far, including a potential time frame.
It
also remains unclear whether Christine Schraner Burgener -- the United Nations
special envoy for Myanmar, whom the junta has resisted allowing into the
country -- would be involved in this effort.
And
there is currently no mechanism to ensure the "immediate cessation of
violence" sought in the five-point consensus. Should Myanmar's military
continue its violent crackdown on protesters or conflict with armed groups
opposing the coup, the ASEAN leaders who invited the junta leader to the table
will lose face.
Even
if the violence subsides, if the military does not release democratic leaders
including State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and engage in political dialogue,
its seizure of power will become more of a fait accompli, and ASEAN will risk
criticism for giving the junta a door into the international community.
The
global dynamics surrounding Myanmar, and thus ASEAN more broadly, are also
concerning.
The
U.N. Security Council met shortly after the Feb. 1 coup to weigh a response,
but China and Russia opposed efforts by the U.S. and European members to
condemn the coup, and the deadlock has yet to be broken.
Such
paralysis is far from uncommon. The U.S. and the Soviet Union often brought
baggage from their conflict to discussions in the Cold War era, and this is
playing out again with Myanmar in the "new Cold War."
Around
the time that ASEAN was established, Southeast Asia was a major battleground of
the original Cold War. ASEAN aligned with the Western bloc, siding with
capitalism against communism.
Now,
if the new Cold War is a struggle between democracies and autocracies -- a
framing used by U.S. President Joe Biden -- it is difficult for ASEAN to come
down solidly on one side or the other. The organization has expanded since its
inception, and it has members that lean in both directions.
The new Cold War has come to ASEAN, and the situation in Myanmar has made clear the bind that its member nations now find themselves in.