At five in the afternoon, Cairo time (43).. Dismantling the Muslim Brotherhood Organization: France’s Decision and the Beginning of a New European Phase (8)
From “civic participation” to engineering influence… when
democracy becomes a tool of penetration:
The most dangerous thing the Muslim Brotherhood does in
France is not that it builds a mosque or runs an association. Rather, the real
danger lies in its success—gradually—in presenting itself as the sole and
legitimate representative of Muslims in France.
Here, the organization shifts from the role of a “current
within society” to that of a “gateway to society”: anyone who wishes to deal
with Muslims must pass through it; anyone who wants to defend Muslims must
adopt its language; anyone seeking their votes must negotiate with it. Herein
lies the true danger—that the organization may, over time, turn into a pressure
card in shaping the domestic and foreign policy of a country the size of
France.
In this sense, the security battle alone is not the
foundation. The real battle becomes:
Who represents Muslims? Who speaks in their name? And who
has the right to define Islam itself as a religion?
This is what the report calls: the war of representation.
1) The war of representation: the primary objective above
all else
The report argues that the Brotherhood built its
penetration in France on the basis of a “war of terminology” and a “war of
legitimacy.” Any political force does not need massive numerical spread to
prevail; it is sufficient to seize the following:
The right to speak on behalf of the group
The right to define the problem
The right to determine who is the victim and who is the
perpetrator
The right to set the boundaries of public debate
Accordingly, their core battle becomes:
How the Brotherhood transforms from an organization into
a “reference,” and from a reference into the “sole official representative.”
2) Brotherhood intelligence: appearing as a victim and
exploiting republican values
The report explains that the Brotherhood relies on a dual
strategy:
Within the Muslim community: portraying conservative
society as a perpetually targeted victim.
Outside the community: dismantling any criticism through
a rights-based, republican, anti-racism discourse—in other words, they simply
employ the method of “taqiyya.”
That is, the organization dons the language of the state
itself and uses “the values of the Republic” as a defensive shield against the
state.
The result—as the report describes—is that public opinion
becomes confused between:
Combating the Brotherhood as a fundamentalist
organization
And racism against Muslims
Thus, those who confront Brotherhood extremism are turned
into “accused parties,” while those who build that extremism are transformed
into “victims.”
3) “Islamophobia”: the most effective political weapon
The report considers the term “Islamophobia” to be a
central element in this war, because it enables a dangerous mechanism:
Neutralizing criticism
Demonizing dissenters
Blocking debate
Portraying the state as a repressive actor
And presenting the organization as a defender of rights
Strangely enough, is this not literally what they
followed in Egypt for decades until they were exposed during the year in which
Mohamed Morsi al-Ayyat ruled, under the guidance of the group’s Supreme Guide?
The problem is not confronting genuine discrimination,
but rather exploiting the term as political scissors that cut off any
accountability of the Brotherhood organization.
Thus, the battle shifts from a discussion about extremism
to a battle over “public morality” and “discrimination”—an ideal environment
for the Brotherhood.
4) Front organizations: keys to entry into the political
arena
The report points out that the Brotherhood does not
always operate under the name “the Brotherhood,” but rather through networks
and organizations bearing names that appear civil, rights-based, or
anti-racist.
The report provides clear examples of organizations that
played the role of gateways to influence, such as:
The Collective Against Islamophobia in France (CCIF)
The Party of the Indigenous of the Republic
These organizations—according to the report—are not
merely associations, but “platforms” for transferring the Brotherhood’s
discourse from closed circles to open space, then to political parties, and
then to the media.
In this way, the organization becomes present in politics
without raising its own banner.
5) Manufacturing an electoral bloc: the “citizen” as an
organizational project
The report reaches one of its most dangerous conclusions:
The Brotherhood does not view the “Muslim citizen” as an
individual citizen within the French Republic, but rather as part of a bloc
that must be mobilized, directed, and exploited.
Here, voting ceases to be an individual practice and
becomes collective discipline.
The report cites the example of the preacher Hassan
Iquioussen, who presents participation in politics as:
A societal necessity
And also a religious necessity
The report mentions an extremely dangerous notion:
That abstaining from voting is presented as “political
and social suicide… and even religious suicide.”
Thus, elections are transformed from a space of freedom
into a tool of mobilization.
6) Soft penetration of institutions: the school as a
model
The report affirms that the organization does not limit
itself to shaping public opinion, but also pushes its followers to infiltrate
state and societal institutions through seemingly natural paths, such as:
Joining parents’ associations
Participating in school administration
Presence in the student sphere
Union alliances within universities
These are not “details,” but links in a single chain:
The formation of local influence that begins at school,
expands to the university, and then extends to the labor market and politics.
7) Dual discourse: the civil face and the mobilizational
face
The report explains that the Brotherhood masters the
technique of “dual discourse”:
An external discourse that is rational, civil, and soft
An internal discourse that is mobilizational,
identity-based, grounded in grievance and alignment
The result is that the organization wins on both fronts:
It gains the sympathy of institutions, rights advocates,
and the media
While simultaneously maintaining internal mobilization
that grants it control
Herein lies its danger:
It appears “open” to the state and “combative” to its
audience.
8) The goal of political warfare: paralyzing criticism
and intimidating opponents
The report argues that expanding political influence is
not achieved solely through elections, but also through:
Silencing dissenters
Intimidating critics
Smearing opponents
Applying pressure through rights-based and media
platforms
Thus, “democratic legitimacy” is transformed into a
platform for closing democracy itself.
This places the state in a complex position:
If it responds forcefully, it is accused of racism; if it
retreats, the organization expands further.
9) Turning secularism into a battleground rather than a
unifying framework
The report places secularism at the heart of the
political conflict, because the Brotherhood seeks to portray it as:
An enemy of religion
And a tool of repression against Muslims
Whereas the essence of secularism in France is the
neutrality of the state, its equal distance from all religions, and the
protection of the public sphere from religious domination.
But the Brotherhood—as the report explains—pushes toward
“selective secularism,” namely:
Accepting Islamic symbols as an absolute right
While simultaneously dismantling the authority of
secularism as a unifying value
The result is not religious freedom, but the creation of
a field that constantly drains the state and grants the organization a
permanent opportunity for expansion.
Conclusion
What the report outlines is not merely direct political
intervention, but a gradual construction that begins with:
Terminology
Then associations
Then media
Then institutions
Then elections
Then representation
Thus, France—according to the authors of the
report—becomes an arena for a long-term struggle for influence, in which the
Brotherhood’s political activity is not a separate goal, but the final stage of
accumulated education, social work, and financing.
The Brotherhood in France does not confront the state
with weapons; it confronts it through representation, terminology, legitimacy,
and soft pressure within democracy itself.
They transform the values of the French Republic into
defensive tools for a project that contradicts those values and undermines the
pillars of the Republic, and they turn civic participation into an organized
electoral bloc, then into the ability to impose their conditions on public
debate.
Tomorrow we continue:
From the classroom to the ballot box… how does the
Brotherhood network produce a “new French citizen” partially detached from
society?
Paris: five o’clock in the evening, Cairo time.




