Russia’s Ambassador to Egypt to “Al-Bawaba News”: Disarming Kyiv and Eliminating Toxic Ideologies Are Preconditions for Peace

Amid the rapidly changing geopolitical landscape on the international stage, the relationships between Russia and a number of major countries stand out as a key element for understanding the current trajectories of global politics.

 

In an interview with Al-Bawaba News, the Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Egypt, Georgiy Borisenko, addresses the most significant global issues of the moment: from the complex negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, to Moscow’s vision for peace and stability in the region, to the growing strategic partnerships with China and the BRICS group’s role in reshaping the multipolar world order. The ambassador also presents Russia’s assessment of recent developments in Syria and its relationship with Damascus amid mounting regional and international challenges.

 

Russian-Ukrainian Negotiations

In light of recent developments, how do you assess the progress in negotiations between Russia and Ukraine outside the issue of prisoner exchanges, especially concerning fundamental matters related to ending hostilities and establishing the foundations for a comprehensive political solution?

 

We genuinely aspire to achieve real peace—a stable peace that lasts for thousands of years, for centuries to come. That is why we stress that peace requires implementing a series of reform conditions, which Russia put forward three years ago and which we are now, as we speak, adjusting and developing in line with the current stage.

 

Among these conditions are: the disarmament of Ukraine and the elimination of ideological toxins. Under no circumstances should Western countries continue to send new weapons to Ukraine. It is also essential for Ukraine to free itself from harmful ideas, as the entire Ukrainian nation is being targeted and deliberately steered towards war with Russia. There is an intense brainwashing campaign in Ukraine, and the whole country has been directed against Russia.

 

Therefore, it is necessary to halt this brainwashing and work towards unifying Ukraine. We also emphasize that Ukraine must not join NATO or any related Western blocs, whether NATO itself or certain Western countries that have a presence on Ukrainian territory. Additionally, Ukrainian forces must withdraw from Russian territories—these are Russian regions, and all Ukrainian groups or forces must leave them immediately. Carrying out this withdrawal would help us begin and sustain negotiations, and thus achieve stable and comprehensive peace.

 

What, specifically, does Moscow want from Ukraine?

 

As I mentioned, we want Ukraine to be disarmed, and no new combat weapons should be sent to Ukraine from Western countries. At present, most of the weapons Ukraine is using are Western-made, while Russia fights only with its own Russian-made arms. We have no weapons from any other countries, whereas Ukraine is entirely supported and supplied by Western states. Ukraine must be disarmed and must rid itself of abhorrent ideologies. Currently, in the European region, those who killed Russians are being glorified, and supporters of Hitler are being exalted and considered heroes. This is unacceptable to us. As I said, this must change. The existence of a Ukrainian territory poses no threat at all to Russia; therefore, there should be no foreign groups in Ukraine, whether NATO as an alliance or as individual Western states. These are fundamental matters and are what we expect from the region.

 

Russian-Chinese Relations

It is noticeable that Russia-China relations are taking on different dimensions. What is Moscow’s perspective?

 

We have very strong and deep relations with China, firstly because Russia and China share the world’s longest land border, stretching 5,000 kilometers. Naturally, this makes us close friends as neighboring countries. In terms of trade, the volume of trade exchange between Russia and China already stands at $244 billion, and I stress that most of these transactions are conducted in the two countries’ local currencies—the Russian ruble and the Chinese yuan, not the US dollar. We calculate the value in dollars only for measurement purposes, while payments are actually made in the two national currencies. The bulk of our trade is now carried out in our national currencies, and we believe this model is an excellent example for the world to follow.

 

We believe the future belongs to the BRICS group and the new world order that this group is deliberately, wisely, and collectively building. Russia, China, and Egypt—three influential countries with their civilizational and political weight—are actively shaping this future.

 

In this context, the BRICS group, of which we are a part, has always supported and encouraged the use of local currencies in trade among member states. I believe that over 90% of trade between Russia and China is now conducted in local currencies, with less than 10% done in US dollars. This benefits the economies of other countries, most notably Egypt. We do not depend on foreign currencies, nor on foreign banks, nor on the political vision of other countries. For example, the US administration can freeze the assets of any country in American banks simply because it disagrees with that country’s policies. The United States has the power to halt any transaction conducted in US dollars, even if it is from Egypt to Bangladesh, because such transactions pass through New York and Washington, where they can be frozen at any time.

 

Therefore, I see reliance on local currencies as a much better option, and we have already implemented this in our dealings with China. In addition to economic cooperation, our relations cover many other fields. Russia is interested in nuclear energy, as is China. We are also interested in agriculture, an area in which China shares our interest. With Egypt, we have many channels of communication as well as cultural, scientific, and sports ties, making our relationship truly strong and multi-dimensional.

 

With the growing special and strategic ties between Russia and China, to what extent can this partnership be considered an influential factor in reshaping the contours of international cooperation in the current stage?

 

Russia and China work in close coordination and share a unified strategic vision and a harmonious mindset in understanding international changes and grasping the complexities of the global system. As we mentioned earlier, the BRICS group essentially represents the future path for a multipolar, multidirectional world based on balance and parity, not dominance and dictation.

 

BRICS is not a coalition of marginal states; it brings together powers representing the poles of the future: China, India, Russia, and the Arab world represented by Egypt—the central state for peace and stability—along with Brazil and South Africa. This combination is not merely an economic or political alliance; it is a new civilizational formula for redrawing the world map.

 

We firmly believe that BRICS represents the real path for restructuring global trade, the international economy, and international relations on the basis of fairness and mutual respect. This is not a matter of mere theoretical appreciation; BRICS has, by several measures, already surpassed the G7 and is now stronger, more influential, and broader in scope.

 

The G7, in reality, is an alliance revolving around Washington, subject to its guidance, and moves only within the boundaries dictated by the US administration. By contrast, BRICS boasts a unique model of cooperation: we are equal partners, with shared decision-making and jointly developed general policies from sovereign perspectives, building a common platform and even a unified language in dealings and understandings.

 

This cooperation among BRICS states is not only in the interest of its members but offers the world a model to follow—demonstrating how countries with diverse backgrounds and orientations can find common ground, coordinate, plan, and revive the concept of international justice.

 

We believe the future belongs to BRICS and to the new world order this group is crafting with awareness, wisdom, and collective will. Russia, China, and Egypt—three influential countries with civilizational and political weight—are actively participating in shaping this future.

 

Russian Presence in Syria

How does Russia view developments in Syria? Is it true that Moscow has abandoned the nature of its relationship with Damascus?

 

We closely follow the intensifying events in Syria and believe it is vitally important for Syria to remain a free, independent, and united state. We see that the decision on who rules the country, and what system prevails, must be solely in the hands of the Syrian people. Nevertheless, what is more important is that Syria remains independent, united, and free, with strength and steadfastness.

 

We strongly condemn Israel’s attempts to seize some Syrian territories, including efforts to take over areas not previously occupied in the last six years. We believe all these areas are integral Syrian territories and fully belong to Syrian sovereignty.

 

This applies equally to territories in western Syria, currently occupied by some foreign states. We have never heard of any decision from the legitimate authorities in Damascus, past or present, giving these countries the legal right to retain military forces in those areas.

 

We sincerely hope the Syrians can reach a comprehensive political solution to their problems and become able to build a modern state that guarantees and respects the rights of all its religious and social components. The Syrian society’s great religious and cultural diversity makes it necessary to address its situation with high sensitivity and responsibility.

 

Therefore, we stress the importance of utmost caution by Syrian authorities regarding any foreign groups or players intruding into Syrian affairs—not with the aim of helping or supporting a solution, but to dismantle the state and tear its national fabric apart. We hope—and are working with all our resources—to do our best to preserve Syria, its unity, territorial integrity, and the future of its people.

 

Egyptian-Russian Cooperation

The file of Egyptian-Russian cooperation is gaining increasing importance. Where do political, economic, and military relations currently stand, and what are the prospects for the future?

 

We enjoy very strong relations with Egypt, spanning over 60 years, starting during the era of the late President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Over the past ten years, we have once again revived that solid strategic partnership between our two countries. Our president signed a strategic partnership agreement with Egypt, and our cooperation is progressing rapidly.

 

Throughout 2024, trade exchange between Russia and Egypt reached record levels, with the value surpassing $9 billion—an unprecedented figure in the history of our economic relations. As we enter the current year, we are witnessing a continued rise in trade between the two countries.

 

Additionally, there is intensive military cooperation. The Egyptian army possesses Russian equipment, and we conduct annual joint military exercises, which enhances understanding and coordination between our armed forces at the highest levels.

 

On May 9, we welcomed training troops from the Egyptian army, and President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi visited Moscow to celebrate Victory Day with us, reflecting the depth of relations and communication between our two countries.

 

Moreover, there is strong interaction in the cultural field, as the Egyptian and Russian peoples share strong social and humanitarian ties. Many Egyptians live in Russia, and Russians visit Egypt every year to enjoy their holidays and the country’s magnificent attractions.

 

Our relations are strong in all areas: economic, cultural, and political. We coordinate continuously, hold regular meetings, and closely cooperate at the United Nations and all international forums, as we believe we share a common vision aimed at resolving international disputes and achieving global stability.

 

The US Position on the Russian-Ukrainian Crisis

How does Moscow view the wavering position of the United States of America regarding the Ukrainian crisis?

 

We are grateful to President Trump’s administration and to the president himself for his efforts to resolve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. However, we emphasize that the real solution lies in addressing the root causes of the conflict and eliminating its origins. The fundamental root of this conflict is Ukraine, and the primary problem is the expansion of NATO. In December 2021, before the Russian-Ukrainian conflict broke out, we proposed to NATO and Russia the signing of an agreement prohibiting NATO’s expansion into Ukraine, but unfortunately, this proposal was rejected.

 

Over the past 35 years, we have witnessed NATO’s gradual advance towards our borders. Originally, NATO was situated at the border between East and West Germany, but now its frontier has reached Estonia, just 135 kilometers from the Russian city of Pechora. We do not deny that NATO is a defensive wall, but at the same time, it exerts constant pressure on us—it is on our doorstep. It was NATO that came to Russia’s borders, not the other way around. NATO was originally created against Russia, and now it uses Ukraine as a military space to try to weaken Russia, sending Ukrainian groups to fight us and establishing hot spots along our borders as defensive lines to weaken us.

 

This is why we stress the need to address the root cause of the conflict and eliminate its underlying reasons, in order to stop this hostile NATO expansion. This is not the West’s first attempt to pressure Russia; the first came in the nineteenth century with Napoleon’s army, when Europe led by Napoleon fought Russia. The second attempt was during World War II under Hitler, who gathered forces from several European countries—including France, Germany, Norway, and Romania—to try to occupy Russia. Now we see the third attempt by Europe and NATO to achieve the same goal.

 

The West seeks to weaken, divide, and destroy Russia, while we are defending ourselves to secure our peace. We do not seek any foreign colonies. After defeating Hitler and Napoleon, Russia did not move into Europe; it was Europe that came to Russia. When defeated here, we did not head into Europe—it was the opposite. We wish to live in peace with all European countries and all nations. We have no intention of giving up any part of our territory or compromising our security.

 

We know that military mobilization is not only being carried out by Ukraine, but by several countries that are preparing their forces and developing their military industries. European politicians declare that this readiness is to confront Russia, but we know very well that the goal is to attack and destroy Russia.

 

Germany is allowing Ukraine to use advanced weapon systems to target Russia at long ranges, attacking major cities. Most of these targets are civilian, not military. This is very clear to us. These weapons can only be used by German military experts, who direct and control the launches, meaning the German army is directly involved in the war against Russia, which requires us to respond appropriately to Germany.

 

We are committed to defending ourselves, our cities, and our vital installations, and we have made this very clear. Germany is playing with fire, and we are ready to protect our security and sovereignty.

 

How does Russia view the rise of the far right in Europe?

 

We categorically reject any ideas or orientations that glorify Nazism. Kyiv, the capital of Ukraine, which suffers from Nazi occupation and is controlled by extremist groups, has fallen under the sway of such methods that have taken over the country. Thus, we stress the importance of cleansing Ukraine of these dangerous phenomena that threaten its stability and security.

 

We do not want any Nazi ideas or the presence of real Nazis in any European country. It is important to distinguish between real Nazis and certain groups or parties with right-wing views that may exist in some Western countries. We do not judge Western countries like Germany or France; the decision and sovereignty are theirs. But we state clearly that we reject Nazism in all its forms. At the same time, we hope Western states will avoid supporting or using any party or group that espouses similar ideas, as is the case with some parties in Germany.

 

It is noteworthy that the current German government is working to prevent such orientations and trying to restrict political freedoms to curb their spread.

 

We are ready to respond to any threat, as I mentioned. Unfortunately, Western media ignores any attack against Russia, instead focusing on portraying Russia as the aggressor striking Ukraine, while ignoring the fact that Russia only responds to the attacks it faces and has never initiated any aggression. Every day, Russian installations face attacks by Ukrainian forces, even in the middle of major cities.

 

For example, today there was a Ukrainian attack on a large building in Moscow, and such events occur daily—yet Western media does not report them.

 

There are also Ukrainian teams targeting civilian infrastructure in city centers, including hospitals and schools, whereas Russia focuses its strikes only on military installations, barracks, and Ukrainian army depots.

 

Regrettably, Western media shows only images of alleged Russian aggression, completely ignoring Ukrainian attacks.

 

Does Moscow consider the upcoming Russia-Arab summit a step toward forming a new international axis amid escalating confrontation between Russia and the West?

 

We view Arab countries as true friends and partners of ours for centuries, with whom we share deep historical and cultural ties. Our goal is to develop and strengthen these relationships in various fields—economically, politically, and culturally—completely independently from the course of our relations with the West.

 

We know that many Arab countries show clear willingness to cooperate with us in various fields, and we reciprocate this positive orientation. However, we stress that we never seek to use our Arab friends or our partners from China or India as tools in political confrontations with the West. Our relationships with each side are based on mutual respect and shared interests, not at the expense of any other party.

 

We wish to build friendships and cooperation with all, including Western countries. Ultimately, the decision is up to the West: if they wish to cooperate, we are ready. If some Western states choose not to cooperate with us, we are capable of moving forward without them, and indeed, one could say these states will be the ones to lose most from such a decision, because Russia possesses strategic and essential resources needed by Western markets, and we often offer them at competitive prices.

 

Europe stopped buying Russian gas, and as a result, gas prices in Germany have quadrupled compared to what they paid for Russian gas, making them the economic losers. Germany, for example, for four years has relied on liquefied gas from the United States instead of Russian natural gas, which has cost it greatly and impacted its industrial sectors.

 

Europe has also lost many other avenues of cooperation with Russia, such as in agriculture, while Russia is now opening up new horizons and creating great opportunities at home. Today, the Russian economy is witnessing remarkable growth, especially in the agricultural sector, making Russia one of the most prominent economic powers in Europe.

 

In fact, Russia today is the number one economy in Europe and ranks fourth globally after China, the United States, and India. It is an advanced country, while some Western governments, unfortunately, pursue policies that harm their own peoples more than they harm Russia.

 

Therefore, it is essential for the peoples of European countries to ask their politicians the critical question: Why were anti-Russian policies adopted, running contrary to their economic and social interests?

 

Russia’s Position on the Sudanese Army and a Red Sea Base

Does Russia support the Sudanese army, and is this in exchange for a military base in Suakin on the Red Sea?

 

Russia believes that the internal conflict in Sudan must be resolved as quickly as possible, as the suffering of the Sudanese people is now clear and calls for urgent action by all concerned parties.

 

We believe Sudan must be governed by legitimate authorities representing the state, led by General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, whom we hope can overcome the current challenges, work to reunite Sudan, and end the division that began in April 2023 with the outbreak of internal conflict.

 

Our goal is for Sudan to return to being a united, independent, and sovereign state, enjoying stability as it did before the outbreak of civil war. We sincerely hope the Sudanese people can restore their security and peace and build a prosperous future away from division and conflict.

 

Is Sudan witnessing a proxy war between Russia and Ukraine?

 

We cannot state this definitively, but we have some legitimate concerns about developments on the ground. We believe there is a possibility that hostile parties to the Sudanese armed forces are using elements linked to Ukrainian forces or operating according to similar methods in the ongoing conflict.

 

We have noticed that some of the tactics used in military operations inside Sudan are very similar to the patterns known from Ukrainian groups, which raises serious questions about the possibility of indirect intervention or involvement by Ukraine or those following its approach.

 

In light of the above, we do not rule out the possibility of Ukrainian intervention or participation by elements trained in similar methods, as has occurred in other African conflicts, such as what happened in Mali.

 

Russian Military Support to Haftar in Libya

The major military parade by Haftar’s forces in eastern Libya featured a large number of Russian weapons, including Kamaz and Ural vehicles and drones. Why all this Russian armament to Haftar?

 

We have strong relations with the Libyan National Army—a cooperation based on mutual respect and common interests, as is the case with our friends in the Arab Republic of Egypt. Both Russia and Egypt have provided clear support for the movements of the Libyan National Army, especially during the period when it faced attacks from terrorist groups that sought to advance toward the Egyptian border five years ago.

 

We acknowledge the importance of cooperating with Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar and consider his role pivotal in efforts to achieve stability and peace in Libya. Our strategic goal is for Libya to return to being a free, fully sovereign, and united state under a single government and a unified national army capable of protecting state institutions and borders.

 

We sincerely hope it will be possible to overcome the challenges that arose following the death of the late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, and the subsequent Western interventions since 2011, which led to the collapse of state institutions and the country’s descent into chaos.

 

Fourteen years have passed, and Libya still suffers from division and internal conflicts among multiple entities and groups, some limited to small geographic areas. We believe Libya deserves to return to being an independent, strong, and united state that guarantees stability and prosperity for its people.

 

I have information that Russia has established three air bases in Libya. Is Libya a strategic target for Russia in the “warm waters” and a spearhead for penetration across Africa?

 

Russia has a strategic presence in several areas around the world, including the Mediterranean and Africa, where it establishes strong partnerships that serve regional stability. For example, we have close ties with Field Marshal Haftar and the Libyan National Army, and we work to support him in enhancing military capabilities for the security and stability of Libya, and to ward off the threat of extremist groups—something we consider crucial for our neighbors, especially Egypt.

 

In Russia, we believe in constructive international cooperation and seek to develop partnership relations with countries wishing to cooperate with us in various fields—cultural, political, defense, economic, or transportation. Our goal is to contribute to a more stable and peaceful world.

 

Unlike some global powers, Russia does not seek dominance or to ignite conflicts, nor do we deploy military bases across the world. For instance, the United States possesses more than a thousand military bases spread across various countries, while Russia seeks to establish mutually respectful and strategically balanced relations that serve global peace.

 

Does Russia’s engagement in the Sahel and Sahara countries—supporting the governments of Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, as well as Libya—aim to counter American and French influence?

 

As I mentioned earlier, Russia does not seek to alter the internal conditions of any country, as sovereign decisions are first and foremost the right of the peoples and governments of those states. If a country decides to demand the withdrawal of foreign forces—such as French forces, for example—that is its full sovereign right, and it has nothing to do with any intervention or instigation by Russia.

 

We do not impose guardianship on anyone, but we are always ready to provide support upon request, whether through security cooperation or supplying national armies with equipment and resources that help strengthen their defensive capabilities.

 

Russia believes in equal partnership and is pleased to cooperate with any country seeking to build relations based on mutual respect and common interests in various fields. However, we reiterate that we do not occupy the territories of other countries, nor do we possess overseas colonies—this is not among our principles or the direction of our foreign policy.